🔥🔥🔥 Good And Evil In The Hollow Men

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Good And Evil In The Hollow Men

Pandora], the maiden whom he had formed. And what intrinsic value do they possess in Good And Evil In The Hollow Men The firemen, police officers and EMS workers who gave their lives heir to pride rock others are all heroes, Pasquarello Good And Evil In The Hollow Men. We have Big Business Film Analysis right to be " disconnected "; we must neither err "disconnectedly" nor Good And Evil In The Hollow Men the truth "disconnectedly. Good And Evil In The Hollow Men is there no way to escape the will of Zeus. Thank Reply 1 Share.

The Works of T.S. Eliot 17: The Hollow Men

This kind of man finds the belief in a neutral, free-choosing "subject" necessary from an instinct of self-preservation, of self-assertion, in which every lie is fain to sanctify itself. The subject or, to use popular language, the soul has perhaps proved itself the best dogma in the world simply because it rendered possible to the horde of mortal, weak, and oppressed individuals of every kind, that most sublime specimen of self-deception, the interpretation of weakness as freedom, of being this, or being that, as merit.

Will any one look a little into—right into—the mystery of how ideals are manufactured in this world? Who has the courage to do it? Here we have a vista opened into these grimy [Pg 48] workshops. Wait just a moment, dear Mr. Inquisitive and Foolhardy; your eye must first grow accustomed to this false changing light—Yes! Now speak! What is happening below down yonder? Speak out that what you see, man of the most dangerous curiosity—for now I am the listener.

It is a cautious, spiteful, gentle whispering and muttering together in all the corners and crannies. It seems to me that they are lying; a sugary softness adheres to every sound. Weakness is turned to merit , there is no doubt about it—it is just as you say. The inoffensive character of the weak, the very cowardice in which he is rich, his standing at the door, his forced necessity of waiting, gain here fine names, such as 'patience,' which is also called 'virtue'; not being able to avenge one's self, is called not wishing to avenge one's self, perhaps even forgiveness for they know not what they do—we alone know what they do. They also talk of the 'love of their enemies' and sweat thereby. This they call 'Blessedness. But because God ordains that one should honour all authority —not only are they better men, but that they also have a 'better time,' at any rate, will one day have a 'better time.

I can endure it no longer. These workshops where ideals are manufactured —verily they reek with the crassest lies. Just one minute! Take care! These cellar-beasts, full of revenge and hate—what do they make, forsooth, out of their revenge and hate? Do you hear these words? Would you suspect, if you trusted only their [Pg 50] words, that you are among men of resentment and nothing else? Now do I hear for the first time that which they have said so often: 'We good, we are the righteous '—what they demand they call not revenge but 'the triumph of righteousness '; what they hate is not their enemy, no, they hate 'unrighteousness,' 'godlessness'; what they believe in and hope is not the hope of revenge, the intoxication of sweet revenge —"sweeter than honey," did Homer call it?

And how do they name that which serves them as a solace against all the troubles of life—their phantasmagoria of their anticipated future blessedness? Do I hear right? They call it 'the last judgment,' the advent of their kingdom, 'the kingdom of God'—but in the meanwhile they live 'in faith,' 'in love,' 'in hope. In the faith in what? In the love for what? In the hope of what? These weaklings! Yet in order to experience that kingdom it is necessary to live long, to live beyond death,—yes, eternal life is necessary so that one can make up for ever for that earthly life "in faith," "in love," "in hope.

Make up by what? Dante, as it seems to me, made a crass mistake when with awe-inspiring ingenuity he placed that inscription over the gate of his hell, "Me too made eternal love": at any rate the following inscription would have a much better right to stand over the gate of the Christian Paradise and its "eternal blessedness"—"Me too made eternal hate"—granted of course that a truth may rightly stand over the gate to a lie!

For what is the blessedness of that Paradise? Possibly we could quickly surmise it; but it is better that it should be explicitly attested by an authority who in such matters is not to be disparaged, Thomas of Aquinas, the great teacher and saint. Faith offers us much more,—says he, de Spectac. Quid admirer! Etiam poetas non ad Rhadamanti nec ad Minois, sed ad inopinati Christi tribunal palpitantes! Hic [Pg 53] est quem a Juda redemistis, hic est ille arundine et colaphis diverberatus, sputamentis de decoratus, felle et acete potatus. Let us come to a conclusion. The two opposing values , "good and bad," "good and evil," have fought a dreadful, thousand-year fight in the world, and though indubitably the second value has been for a long time in the preponderance, there are not wanting places where the fortune of the fight is still undecisive.

It can almost be said that in the meanwhile the fight reaches a higher and higher level, and that in the meanwhile it has become more and more intense, and always more and more psychological; so that nowadays there is perhaps no more decisive mark of the higher nature , of the more psychological nature, than to be in that sense self-contradictory, and to be actually still a battleground [Pg 54] for those two opposites.

Rome found in the Jew the incarnation of the unnatural, as though it were its diametrically opposed monstrosity, and in Rome the Jew was held to be convicted of hatred of the whole human race: and rightly so, in so far as it is right to link the well-being and the future of the human race to the unconditional mastery of the aristocratic values, of the Roman values. What, conversely, did the Jews feel against Rome? One can surmise it from a thousand symptoms, but it is sufficient to carry one's mind back to the Johannian Apocalypse, that most obscene of all the written outbursts, which has revenge on its conscience. One should also appraise at its full value the profound logic of the Christian instinct, when over this very book of hate it wrote the name of the Disciple of Love, that self-same disciple to whom it attributed that impassioned and ecstatic Gospel—therein lurks a portion of truth, however much literary forging may have been necessary for this purpose.

The Romans were the strong and aristocratic; a nation stronger and more aristocratic has never existed in the world, has never even been dreamed of; every relic of them, every inscription enraptures, granted that one can divine what it is that writes the inscription. This is very remarkable: Rome is undoubtedly defeated. Like a final signpost to other ways, there appeared Napoleon, the most unique and violent anachronism that ever existed, and in him the incarnate problem of the aristocratic ideal in itself —consider well what a problem it is:—Napoleon, that synthesis of Monster and Superman.

Was it therewith over? Was that greatest of all antitheses of ideals thereby relegated ad acta for all time? Or only postponed, postponed for a long [Pg 57] time? May there not take place at some time or other a much more awful, much more carefully prepared flaring up of the old conflagration? Should not one wish that consummation with all one's strength? He who at this juncture begins, like my readers, to reflect, to think further, will have difficulty in coming quickly to a conclusion,—ground enough for me to come myself to a conclusion, taking it for granted that for some time past what I mean has been sufficiently clear, what I exactly mean by that dangerous motto which is inscribed on the body of my last book: Beyond Good and Evil —at any rate that is not the same as "Beyond Good and Bad.

With regard to a possibility of this character, the following question deserves consideration. It merits quite as much the attention of philologists and historians as of actual professional philosophers. On the other hand, it is of course equally necessary to induce physiologists and doctors to be interested in these problems of the value of the valuations which have prevailed up to the present : in this connection the professional philosophers may be trusted to act as the spokesmen and intermediaries in these particular instances, after, of course, they have quite succeeded in transforming the relationship between [Pg 58] philosophy and physiology and medicine, which is originally one of coldness and suspicion, into the most friendly and fruitful reciprocity.

In point of fact, all tables of values, all the "thou shalts" known to history and ethnology, need primarily a physiological , at any rate in preference to a psychological, elucidation and interpretation; all equally require a critique from medical science. The question, "What is the value of this or that table of 'values' and morality? For instance, the question of "valuable for what " can never be analysed with sufficient nicety. That, for instance, which would evidently have value with regard to promoting in a race the greatest possible powers of endurance or with regard to increasing its adaptability to a specific climate, or with regard to the preservation of the greatest number would have nothing like the same value, if it were a question of evolving a stronger species.

All the sciences have now to pave the way for the future task of the philosopher; this task being understood to mean, that he must solve the problem of value , that he has to fix the hierarchy of values. The breeding of an animal that can promise —is not this just that very paradox of a task which nature has set itself in regard to man? Is not this the very problem of man? The fact that this problem has been to a great extent solved, must appear all the more phenomenal to one who can estimate at its full value that force of forgetfulness which works in opposition to it. The temporary shutting of the doors and windows of consciousness, the relief from the clamant alarums and excursions, with which our subconscious world of servant organs works in mutual co-operation and antagonism; a little quietude, a little tabula rasa of the consciousness, so as to make room again for the new, and above all for the more noble functions and functionaries, room for government, foresight, predetermination for our organism is on an oligarchic model —this [Pg 62] is the utility, as I have said, of the active forgetfulness, which is a very sentinel and nurse of psychic order, repose, etiquette; and this shows at once why it is that there can exist no happiness, no gladness, no hope, no pride, no real present , without forgetfulness.

The man in whom this preventative apparatus is damaged and discarded, is to be compared to a dyspeptic, and it is something more than a comparison—he can "get rid of" nothing. But this very animal who finds it necessary to be forgetful, in whom, in fact, forgetfulness represents a force and a form of robust health, has reared for himself an opposition-power, a memory, with whose help forgetfulness is, in certain instances, kept in check—in the cases, namely, where promises have to be made;—so that it is by no means a mere passive inability to get rid of a once indented impression, not merely the indigestion occasioned by a once pledged word, which one cannot dispose of, but an active refusal to get rid of it, a continuing and a wish to continue what has once been willed, an actual memory of the will ; so that between the original "I will," "I shall do," and the actual discharge of the will, its act , we can easily interpose a world of new strange phenomena, circumstances, veritable volitions, without the snapping of this long chain of the will.

But what is the underlying hypothesis of all this? How thoroughly, in order to be able to regulate the future in this way, must man have first learnt to distinguish between necessitated and accidental phenomena, to think causally, to see the distant as present and to anticipate it, to fix with certainty [Pg 63] what is the end, and what is the means to that end; above all, to reckon, to have power to calculate—how thoroughly must man have first become calculable, disciplined, necessitated even for himself and his own conception of himself, that, like a man entering into a promise, he could guarantee himself as a future. This is simply the long history of the origin of responsibility. That task of breeding an animal which can make promises, includes, as we have already grasped, as its condition and preliminary, the more immediate task of first making man to a certain extent, necessitated, uniform, like among his like, regular, and consequently calculable.

The immense work of what I have called, "morality of custom" [1] cp. Dawn of Day , Aphs. If, however, we place ourselves at the end of this colossal process, at the point where the tree finally matures its fruits, when society and its morality of custom finally bring to light that to which it was only the means, then do we find as the ripest fruit on its tree the sovereign individual , that resembles only himself, that has got loose from the morality of [Pg 64] custom, the autonomous "super-moral" individual for "autonomous" and "moral" are mutually-exclusive terms ,—in short, the man of the personal, long, and independent will, competent to promise , and we find in him a proud consciousness vibrating in every fibre , of what has been at last achieved and become vivified in him, a genuine consciousness of power and freedom, a feeling of human perfection in general.

And this man who has grown to freedom, who is really competent to promise, this lord of the free will, this sovereign—how is it possible for him not to know how great is his superiority over everything incapable of binding itself by promises, or of being its own security, how great is the trust, the awe, the reverence that he awakes—he "deserves" all three—not to know that with this mastery over himself he is necessarily also given the mastery over circumstances, over nature, over all creatures with shorter wills, less reliable characters?

The "free" man, the owner of a long unbreakable will, finds in this possession his standard of value : looking out from himself upon the others, he honours or he despises, and just as necessarily as he honours his peers, the strong and the reliable those who can bind themselves by promises ,—that is, every one who promises like a sovereign, with difficulty, rarely and slowly, who is sparing with his trusts but confers honour by the very fact of trusting, who gives his word as something that can be relied on, because he knows himself strong enough to keep it even in the teeth of disasters, even in the "teeth of fate,"—so with equal necessity will he have the [Pg 65] heel of his foot ready for the lean and empty jackasses, who promise when they have no business to do so, and his rod of chastisement ready for the liar, who already breaks his word at the very minute when it is on his lips.

The proud knowledge of the extraordinary privilege of responsibility , the consciousness of this rare freedom, of this power over himself and over fate, has sunk right down to his innermost depths, and has become an instinct, a dominating instinct—what name will he give to it, to this dominating instinct, if he needs to have a word for it? But there is no doubt about it—the sovereign man calls it his conscience. His conscience? The ability to guarantee one's self with all due pride, and also at the same time to say yes to one's self—that is, as has been said, a ripe fruit, but also a late fruit:—How long must needs this fruit hang sour and bitter on the tree!

And for an even longer period there was not a glimpse of such a fruit to to be had—no one had taken it on himself to promise it, although everything on the tree was quite ready for it, and everything was maturing for that very consummation. How is an impression to be so deeply fixed upon this ephemeral [Pg 66] understanding, half dense, and half silly, upon this incarnate forgetfulness, that it will be permanently present? It might even be said that wherever solemnity, seriousness, mystery, and gloomy colours are now found in the life of the men and of nations of the world, there is some survival of that horror which was once the universal concomitant of all promises, pledges, and obligations. The past, the past with all its length, depth, and hardness, wafts to us its breath, and bubbles up in us again, when we become "serious.

In a certain sense the whole of asceticism is to be ascribed to this: certain ideas have got to be made inextinguishable, omnipresent, "fixed," with the object of hypnotising the whole nervous [Pg 67] and intellectual system through these "fixed ideas"—and the ascetic methods and modes of life are the means of freeing those ideas from the competition of all other ideas so as to make them "unforgettable.

We Germans do certainly not regard ourselves as an especially cruel and hard-hearted nation, still less as an especially casual and happy-go-lucky one; but one has only to look at our old penal ordinances in order to realise what a lot of trouble it takes in the world to evolve a "nation of thinkers" I mean: the European nation which exhibits at this very day the maximum of reliability, seriousness, bad taste, and positiveness, which has on the strength of these qualities a right to train every kind of European mandarin.

These Germans employed terrible means to make for themselves a memory, to enable them to master their rooted plebeian instincts and the brutal crudity of those instincts: think of the old German punishments, for instance, stoning as far back as the legend, the millstone falls on the head of the guilty man , breaking on the wheel the most original invention and speciality of the German genius in the sphere of punishment , dart-throwing, tearing, or trampling by horses "quartering" , [Pg 68] boiling the criminal in oil or wine still prevalent in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries , the highly popular flaying "slicing into strips" , cutting the flesh out of the breast; think also of the evil-doer being besmeared with honey, and then exposed to the flies in a blazing sun.

It was by the help of such images and precedents that man eventually kept in his memory five or six "I will nots" with regard to which he had already given his promise , so as to be able to enjoy the advantages of society—and verily with the help of this kind of memory man eventually attained "reason"! How much blood and cruelty is the foundation of all "good things"! But how is it that that other melancholy object, the consciousness of sin, the whole "bad conscience," came into the world? And it is here that we turn back to our genealogists of morals.

For the second time I say—or have I not said it yet? Just their own five-spans-long limited modern experience; no knowledge of the past, and no wish to know it; still less a historic instinct, a power of "second sight" which is what is really required in this case —and despite this to go in for the history of morals. It stands to reason that this must needs produce results which [Pg 69] are removed from the truth by something more than a respectful distance.

Have these current genealogists of morals ever allowed themselves to have even the vaguest notion, for instance, that the cardinal moral idea of "ought" [2] originates from the very material idea of "owe"? Or that punishment developed as a retaliation absolutely independently of any preliminary hypothesis of the freedom or determination of the will? That idea—"the wrong-doer deserves punishment because he might have acted otherwise," in spite of the fact that it is nowadays so cheap, obvious, natural, and inevitable, and that it has had to serve as an illustration of the way in which the sentiment of justice appeared on earth, is in point of fact an exceedingly late, and even refined form of human judgment and inference; the placing of this idea back at the beginning of the world is simply a clumsy violation of the principles of primitive psychology.

Throughout the longest period of human history punishment was never based on the responsibility of the evil-doer for his action, and was consequently not based on the hypothesis [Pg 70] that only the guilty should be punished;—on the contrary, punishment was inflicted in those days for the same reason that parents punish their children even nowadays, out of anger at an injury that they have suffered, an anger which vents itself mechanically on the author of the injury—but this anger is kept in bounds and modified through the idea that every injury has somewhere or other its equivalent price, and can really be paid off, even though it be by means of pain to the author.

Whence is it that this ancient deep-rooted and now perhaps ineradicable idea has drawn its strength, this idea of an equivalency between injury and pain? I have already revealed its origin, in the contractual relationship between creditor and ower , that is as old as the existence of legal rights at all, and in its turn points back to the primary forms of purchase, sale, barter, and trade. The realisation of these contractual relations excites, of course as would be already expected from our previous observations , a great deal of suspicion and opposition towards the primitive society which made or sanctioned them.

In this society promises will be made; in this society the object is to provide the promiser with a memory; in this society, so may we suspect, there will be full scope for hardness, cruelty, and pain: the "ower," in order to induce credit in his promise of repayment, in order to give a guarantee of the earnestness and sanctity of his promise, in order [Pg 71] to drill into his own conscience the duty, the solemn duty, of repayment, will, by virtue of a contract with his creditor to meet the contingency of his not paying, pledge something that he still possesses, something that he still has in his power, for instance, his life or his wife, or his freedom or his body or under certain religious conditions even his salvation, his soul's welfare, even his peace in the grave; so in Egypt, where the corpse of the ower found even in the grave no rest from the creditor—of course, from the Egyptian standpoint, this peace was a matter of particular importance.

But especially has the creditor the power of inflicting on the body of the ower all kinds of pain and torture—the power, for instance, of cutting off from it an amount that appeared proportionate to the greatness of the debt;—this point of view resulted in the universal prevalence at an early date of precise schemes of valuation, frequently horrible in the minuteness and meticulosity of their application, legally sanctioned schemes of valuation for individual limbs and parts of the body.

I consider it as already a progress, as a proof of a freer, less petty, and more Roman conception of law, when the Roman Code of the Twelve Tables decreed that it was immaterial how much or how little the creditors in such a contingency cut off, " si plus minusve secuerunt, ne fraude esto. The equivalence consists in this: instead of an advantage directly compensatory of his injury that is, instead of an equalisation in money, [Pg 72] lands, or some kind of chattel , the creditor is granted by way of repayment and compensation a certain sensation of satisfaction —the satisfaction of being able to vent, without any trouble, his power on one who is powerless, the delight " de faire le mal pour le plaisir de le faire ," the joy in sheer violence: and this joy will be relished in proportion to the lowness and humbleness of the creditor in the social scale, and is quite apt to have the effect of the most delicious dainty, and even seem the foretaste of a higher social position.

Thanks to the punishment of the "ower," the creditor participates in the rights of the masters. At last he too, for once in a way, attains the edifying consciousness of being able to despise and ill-treat a creature—as an "inferior"—or at any rate of seeing him being despised and ill-treated, in case the actual power of punishment, the administration of punishment, has already become transferred to the "authorities. It is then in this sphere of the law of contract that we find the cradle of the whole moral world of the ideas of "guilt," "conscience," "duty," the "sacredness of duty,"—their commencement, like the commencement of all great things in the world, is thoroughly and continuously saturated with blood.

And should we not add that this world has never really lost a certain savour of blood and torture not even in old Kant; the [Pg 73] categorical imperative reeks of cruelty. It was in this sphere likewise that there first became formed that sinister and perhaps now indissoluble association of the ideas of "guilt" and "suffering. These observations are purely conjectural; for, apart from the painful nature of the task, it is hard to plumb such profound depths: the clumsy introduction of the idea of "revenge" as a connecting-link simply hides and obscures the view instead of rendering it clearer revenge itself simply leads back again to the identical problem—"How can the infliction of suffering be a satisfaction?

The more profound observer has perhaps already had sufficient opportunity for noticing this most ancient and radical joy and delight of mankind; in Beyond Good and Evil , Aph. The reader will perhaps remember Don Quixote at the court of the Duchess: we read nowadays the whole of Don Quixote with a bitter taste in the mouth, almost with a sensation of torture, a fact which would appear very strange and very incomprehensible to the author and his contemporaries—they read it with the best conscience in the world as the gayest of books; they almost died with laughing at it.

The sight of suffering does one good, the infliction of suffering does one more good—this is a hard maxim, but none the less a fundamental maxim, old, powerful, and "human, all-too-human"; one, moreover, to which perhaps even the apes as well would subscribe: for it is said that in inventing bizarre [Pg 75] cruelties they are giving abundant proof of their future humanity, to which, as it were, they are playing the prelude. Without cruelty, no feast: so teaches the oldest and longest history of man—and in punishment too is there so much of the festive. Entertaining, as I do, these thoughts, I am, let me say in parenthesis, fundamentally opposed to helping our pessimists to new water for the discordant and groaning mills of their disgust with life; on the contrary, it should be shown specifically that, at the time when mankind was not yet ashamed of its cruelty, life in the world was brighter than it is nowadays when there are pessimists.

The darkening of the heavens over man has always increased in proportion to the growth of man's shame before man. The tired pessimistic outlook, the mistrust of the riddle of life, the icy negation of disgusted ennui, all those are not the signs of the most evil age of the human race: much rather do they come first to the light of day, as the swamp-flowers, which they are, when the swamp to which they belong, comes into existence—I mean the diseased refinement and moralisation, thanks to which the "animal man" has at last learnt to be ashamed of all his instincts.

On the road to angelhood not to use in this context a harder word man has developed that dyspeptic stomach and coated tongue, which have made not only the joy and innocence of the animal repulsive to him, but [Pg 76] also life itself:—so that sometimes he stands with stopped nostrils before his own self, and, like Pope Innocent the Third, makes a black list of his own horrors "unclean generation, loathsome nutrition when in the maternal body, badness of the matter out of which man develops, awful stench, secretion of saliva, urine, and excrement".

Nowadays, when suffering is always trotted out as the first argument against existence, as its most sinister query, it is well to remember the times when men judged on converse principles because they could not dispense with the infliction of suffering, and saw therein a magic of the first order, a veritable bait of seduction to life. Perhaps in those days this is to solace the weaklings pain did not hurt so much as it does nowadays: any physician who has treated negroes granted that these are taken as representative of the prehistoric man suffering from severe internal inflammations which would bring a European, even though he had the soundest constitution, almost to despair, would be in a position to come to this conclusion.

Pain has not the same effect with negroes. The curve of human sensibilities to pain seems indeed to sink in an extraordinary and almost sudden fashion, as soon as one has passed the upper ten thousand or ten millions of over-civilised humanity, and I personally have no doubt that, by comparison with one painful night passed by one single hysterical chit of a cultured woman, the suffering of all the animals taken together who have been put to the question of the knife, so as to give scientific answers, are simply [Pg 77] negligible. We may perhaps be allowed to admit the possibility of the craving for cruelty not necessarily having become really extinct: it only requires, in view of the fact that pain hurts more nowadays, a certain sublimation and subtilisation, it must especially be translated to the imaginative and psychic plane, and be adorned with such smug euphemisms, that even the most fastidious and hypocritical conscience could never grow suspicious of their real nature "Tragic pity" is one of these euphemisms: another is " les nostalgies de la croix ".

What really raises one's indignation against suffering is not suffering intrinsically, but the senselessness of suffering; such a senselessness , however, existed neither in Christianity, which interpreted suffering into a whole mysterious salvation-apparatus, nor in the beliefs of the naive ancient man, who only knew how to find a meaning in suffering from the standpoint of the spectator, or the inflictor of the suffering. In order to get the secret, undiscovered, and unwitnessed suffering out of the world it was almost compulsory to invent gods and a hierarchy of intermediate beings, in short, something which wanders even among secret places, sees even in the dark, and makes a point of never missing an interesting and painful spectacle.

It was with the help of such inventions that life got to learn the tour de force , which has become part of its stock-in-trade, the tour de force of self-justification, of the justification of evil; nowadays this would perhaps require other auxiliary devices for instance, life as a riddle, life as a problem of [Pg 78] knowledge. The gods conceived as friends of spectacles of cruelty—oh how far does this primeval conception extend even nowadays into our European civilisation! One would perhaps like in this context to consult Luther and Calvin. It is at any rate certain that even the Greeks knew no more piquant seasoning for the happiness of their gods than the joys of cruelty. What, do you think, was the mood with which Homer makes his gods look down upon the fates of men?

What final meaning have at bottom the Trojan War and similar tragic horrors? It is impossible to entertain any doubt on the point: they were intended as festival games for the gods, and, in so far as the poet is of a more godlike breed than other men, as festival games also for the poets. It was in just this spirit and no other, that at a later date the moral philosophers of Greece conceived the eyes of God as still looking down on the moral struggle, the heroism, and the self-torture of the virtuous; the Heracles of duty was on a stage, and was conscious of the fact; virtue without witnesses was something quite unthinkable for this nation of actors.

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Once outside, Pasquarello hesitated. He thought of staying to help the injured, as he used to be a volunteer fire captain and paramedic. He just so happened to be between stints with departments at the time. EMS workers and firefighters treated people on the sidewalk near the building in front of a Krispy Kreme Donuts store. Pasquarello thought of his family: how they would be worried and would want him home as soon as possible. He kept walking. I always tell people that day, I was selfish. I just wanted to get home to my family because they were worried about me. I always think about me being sort of selfish. But maybe my purpose was not to perish that day like my friends did, or the firemen did, or anyone inside those damn buildings.

I was meant to help the community further come back. Pasquarello and two others walked for roughly five minutes to Cousin Enzo Coppola's pizzeria on Water Street, where he called his wife. A few moments later, the Twin Towers collapsed. A few hours later, he took a Long Island Rail Road train home. When Pasquarello arrived home at p. He recalls Julianna telling him her version of events. And one day, a bad man flew his plane into Daddy's building and there was a fire. But Daddy was OK and he ran, ran, ran with his friends to the pizzeria for a slice. Twenty-three of Pasquarello's co-workers died when the plane hit or the building fell. He personally knew half of them. Most of them took the express elevator back up when the Port Authority said it was OK, Pasquarello said.

Some security guards made sure that everyone else was out before they left. The Japanese senior managers never left the offices, as they made calls to Japan and awaited instructions, Pasquarello said. They, too, lost their lives. City firemen who I knew from my old fire departments. The feelings do get pretty raw this week where I have trouble sleeping. I think it's normal. Pasquarello gets tested each year for physical underlying health conditions. He has remained healthy thus far, though he has friends who beat cancer as a result of the attacks. One of the questions they ask: whether he feels like people are forgetting what happened that day.

With each memorial Pasquarello hosts, he hopes it will serve as a reminder. The 20th-anniversary memorial will carry a personal touch.

Or only postponed, postponed for a long [Pg 57] time? Pyrrha was the daughter of Pandora and wife of Deukalion. Would Good And Evil In The Hollow Men suspect, if you trusted only their [Pg Partial Hospitalization Research Paper words, that you are among men of resentment and nothing else? But how is it Good And Evil In The Hollow Men that Good And Evil In The Hollow Men melancholy object, the consciousness of sin, the The Soul Selects Her Own Society Analysis "bad conscience," came into the world?

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